Free BGDG-172 Solved Assignment English Medium (2020-21)

B.G.D.G-172

GENDER SENSITIZATION: SOCIETY AND CULTURE

Section – A

1. Critically evaluate the concepts of masculinity by giving suitable examples.

Ans – The word masculinity is the noun form of ‘masculine’ which means having qualities or appearance traditionally associated with men, especially strength and aggressiveness. That is masculinity is primarily associated with traits and qualities which are socially defined and built. Thus, masculinity is social definition given to attributes of men and boys in a given society or culture and like gender, masculinity too is a ‘social construct’. That is, it is the society that prescribes how men and boys should dress, behave, act; what attitude and qualities they should possess and how they should be treated. So, masculinity is a set of sociocultural expectations from the males which decrees how they should look, behave, earn etc. Masculinity differs from one particular society to another. For example, how a man in England is expected to portray his masculinity may differ from that of a man say from Egypt or in India. Thus, masculinity is also not static in relation to time and geography. And, since all men are also not alike in terms of their caste, class, ethnicity, race and even in sexual orientations, masculinity can not be a monolithic construct and therefore, has to be referred to as ‘masculinities’.

Masculinity is always local and subject to change. What does not change is the justification and naturalization of male power or masculine ideology. Arthur Brittain ( cited in Kamla Bhasin 2004, pg. 9)

 

Masculinity cannot be understood without looking at the opposite construct and that is femininity. We can say that ‘a woman/girl’ is what ‘a man /boy’ is not and vice-versa; meaning masculine traits and qualities are opposites of feminine traits and qualities. As you have read in the above section, both masculinity and femininity are not biologically determined but are social constructs. Thus, gender identities are socio- culturally determined. Let’s look at some of the universally accepted masculine and feminine traits.

MasculineFeminine
RationalEmotional
StrongWeak
SmartBeautiful
Indifferent/RoughCaring
AggressiveNurturing
BraveCoy
ViolentCompassionate
DomineeringTolerant
IndependentDependent

When we translate the above masculine and feminine traits in societal relationship we find if men are expected to be aggressive, controlling and hot-tempered then women are expected to be submissive, meek, patient and docile. Thus, do you see that for one set of traits to function the other set of traits should be accepting of them? That is if one rules, then there should be someone to rule; and if one is superior, the other should be inferior.

From an early age, children get messages that shape their personality into boys and girls. Also, there are external sources called agents of gendering providing ideals or standard behaviour or roles expected of each member in a given society. Family and friends, educational institutions namely, schools, college and university, media, religion and other social, political and economic systems in society are all agents of gendering. They shape masculinity constructs for boys and men in their respective culture and society. Society expects different attitudes and behavioral response for any given situation or incident from the boys and the girls leading to gendered socialization.

Family generally socializes babies in a gendered manner without consciously following the culturally expected outcomes. For example, in most Indian homes boys are told not to cry, as girls do that . They are ridiculed if they want to play with a doll or apply a ‘bindi’ or wear a bangle like their mother or a sister. Even from the early childhood years boys are encouraged by the family to hit back and retaliate: that when in a fight they are taught to‘give it back’ rather than being at the receiving end or losing out to the opponent. Also, winning is promoted as the goal of every situation, again instilling competition that should be clinched at all costs.

Masculinity is also shaped by the age, religion, caste, class, race, ethnicity, and sexuality of an individual. Since, patriarchy perpetuates inequality and hierarchical social order, it considers men as superior and therefore, in a commanding and controlling position over women and men who are lower in position and status to them. In this sense, supremacy of masculinity is also endorsed by patriarchy as masculinity not only defines relationship between men and women but also between men too. It is also seen that women in public spaces also adopt masculine ways of working or leadership to have an upper hand over their subordinates in order to show aggression and control like men. There is a perception that women Masculinities cannot be successful until they masculinize the system of power. This suggests that we have to understand the concepts of masculinity and femininity .And, we should also be aware of the fact that these constructs are not biological but structures of consciousness which may be present in men and women.

MASCULINITY CONSTRUCT

It is a myth that masculinity is biological, that men possess masculine characteristics as a result of their physiology or it is a play of hormones. Then we will have to believe that all men are domineering, aggressive, short/hot tempered and violent and none of them can be different as they have the same biological makeup. But, we do find men who don’t have many of these traits. Also, just think why a man who is domineering or violent with his wife is so timid and fearful in front of his boss. This goes to show that men depict typical masculine behaviour where they have a position of power and influence and bend over to so called ‘feminine attributes’ when they are in subordinate positions. Does it not prove that masculinity or for that matter femininity are not biological constructs but are governed by hierarchy and power dynamics that regulate relationships between men and women.

2. Discuss the gender gap in labour force participation and gender discrimination at workplace.in detail with an example.

Ans – GENDER GAPS IN LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION

Gender inequality is a pressing human issue but also has huge ramifications for jobs, productivity, GDP growth, and inequality. The economic potential of India’s women is not achievable without gender gaps in society being addressed. India has a lower share of women’s contribution to GDP than the global average of 37 percent, and the lowest among all regions in the world. India’s economy would have the highest relative boost among all regions of the world if its women participated in paid work in the market economy on a similar basis to men, erasing the current gaps in labour-force participation rates, hours worked, and representation within each sector (which affects their productivity). The barriers hindering women from participating in the labour market on par with men are Gendering Work unlikely to be fully addressed within that time frame and because, ultimately, such participation is a matter of personal choice. The role of women in the workplace cannot be viewed in isolation from their role in society. ( Pl, explain this text. ) Achieving the economic potential of women requires gender gaps in both work and in society to be narrowed—equality in one goes hand-in-hand with equality in the other.

Data from India’s National Sample Survey Office’s (NSSO) surveys indicates that women’s labour-force participation is significantly lower than that of men in both urban and rural areas. Based on data for the population aged 15 and over, India’s female labour-force participation rate is just 21 percent in urban areas and 36 percent in rural areas compared with 76 percent and 81 percent, respectively, in the case of men (Chaudhary and Verick, 2014).

About 75 percent of female employment is in rural areas esp. agriculture compared with 59 percent for men. In the unorganized sector, men are more likely to be employers; women are more likely to be wage workers or unpaid family workers. Men are more likely to own large enterprises, women to own small ones. Women’s work is generally manual and unskilled. A majority of self-employed women are home based workers – producing for the market in their own homes. There is a hierarchy of poverty risk associated with the segmentation of the labour force with women concentrated in forms of employment with high risks of poverty (Chen et.al, 2005).

The Global Gender Gap Report (2014) reveals a widespread perception that women are paid lower wages compared with men for the same work. Analysing 68th Round National Sample Survey’s (NSSO) wage data by occupation for India appears to support this trend; irrespective of the professional level, women on average get paid 30 percent less than their male counterparts.

Drawing on NSSO data, MC Kinsey Global Institute (MGI, 2015) identified a gender gap in leadership among Indian women. Only 7 percent of tertiaryeducated women have jobs as senior officials compared with 14 percent of men. Similarly, women account for only 38 percent of all professional technical jobs. Women constitute just 5% of the boards of companies in India. This means that at the 9,000 listed firms in the country, there are only 400 women board members. These figures may not present a complete picture as 200 of them belong to familyowned firms. So, the number of women who have actually climbed the ladder is just a sad fraction (Economic Times, 2010).

In 2014, Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) had directed the companies listed on National Stock Exchange to appoint at least one woman director on their boards by the month of October in the same year. The presence of a compulsory female member on the board would ensure the implementation of more women-oriented policies. However, more than 200 companies have failed to comply with the directive as of April 2015 resulting in imposition of fines. This shows the general attitude towards the potential of women work (Ruchira Singh, 2015).

Underlying social attitudes about the role of women are, arguably, some of the biggest barriers India’s women face. MGI (2015) found a strong link between attitudes that limit women’s potential and actual gender equality outcomes in a given region. For instance, the survey asked respondents, both men and women, whether they agreed with the following statements: “When jobs are scarce, men should have more right to a job than women” and “When a mother works for pay, the children suffer.” MGI examined the responses against outcomes related to work equality and found strong correlations with both. Half or more of the respondents in India agreed with both statements—and India has some of the world’s lowest rates of women’s labour-force participation.

GENDER DISCRIMINATION AT WORK

Workplace or occupational violence— in the form of threats and physical or verbal and nonverbal abuse—is also a concern for many workers. Sexual harassment can be perpetrated by and directed at a range of people including employers, employees, contractors, and clients. It can be subtle or overt and could be deliberate or unintended. The types of harassment vary from the abuse of authority or position to relations among co-workers and affiliated personnel to inappropriate behavior towards consultants, clients,and members of public.In situations where there are a large number of young women and limited job opportunities, sexual harassment can be common during hiring and recruitment processes. Other particularly vulnerable populations of women include those working in educational and training institutions, domestic workers, migrant workers, workers with little job security, and workers in occupations where large numbers of women are supervised by small numbers of men.

Human trafficking is another form of violence against women and girls – which is the most lucrative illicit business worldwide. Between 2007 and 2010 trafficked victims of 136 nationalities were detected in 118 countries. Some 55–60 percent of the victims were women. Most were trafficked for sexual exploitation or for working as forced labour. Exploitation is common in paid domestic work, particularly for female migrant workers in developing countries. In people’s homes exploitation often remains outside the scope of labour law. Employers use threats and coercion to pay low or even no wages. They can force domestic workers to work long hours— up to 18 hours a day without days off— limiting their movements and potential for social interaction. Working conditions are often poor, with little food and no access to medical care. Domestic workers may also be subject to physical or sexual abuse. Even so, many domestic workers feel obliged to remain with abusive employers because they need to work to support their own families.

In the present scenario, deep rooted social norms and practices underpinning gender inequalities leaves the women and girls with limited choices and opportunities. To overcome the situation, there is a need to close gender gaps in secondary and tertiary education in India’s large states; lower barriers to job creation; expand skills training for women in key sectors; expand the reach of financial and digital services to enable women entrepreneurs; step up gender diversity policies and practices in organizations; strengthen legal provisions for women and the enforcement of laws; improve infrastructure and services to address the high burden of routine domestic work, childcare and elder care; reshape deep-rooted attitudes about the role of women in work and in society. Many societies are experiencing a generational shift, particularly in educated middle-class households, towards greater sharing of care work between men and women. Much remains to be done, and action needs to happen quickly to address deep gender inequalities in the realm of work.

Section – B

3. Explain the category of motherhood in urban-rural and class divisions in Indian context.

Ans – The way motherhood is conceptualized and experienced is very often impacted by larger forces such as class, caste and ethnicity. Due to the patriarchal nature of Indian society, motherhood in Indian contexts is determined to a large extent by the cross-section of these forces. The impact of globalization and economic liberalization has created a complex class hierarchy in contemporary urban India, with each class aspiring towards the ones above it. The coming together of patriarchy and capitalism results in a culture of consumerism which promotes a greater objectification of women’s bodies. This may have specific consequences for the maternal body. For instance, the maternal body tends to be valued for what it offers the patriarchal culture – the promise of offspring, especially male, who will continue to ensure the sustenance of patrilineal society. It is thus reduced to its reproductive function and identified primarily with the idea of the ‘womb’ as vessel or container. While the reproductive function is overvalued in this process, the maternal body is also desexualized because of it. In other words, such a body is envisioned as the chaste mother but not as lover or sexual partner. Similarly, the non-maternal but sexualized female body may be devalued since it is perceived primarily as sexual object. In both these cases, the ‘personhood’ of the woman and the mother is diminished since her function as ‘reproducer’ or as ‘sexual object’ is given more importance than any other identity. Thus, women in patriarchal societies may find themselves struggling to exert agency in terms of life decisions – decisions whose hold is often in the hands of male members – husbands, fathers, brothers, or the larger patriarchal family

These influences have significant effects on different classes and castes, and for women across the urban/rural divide. For instance, in the urban middle classes, women, in their roles as mothers, are expected to be the upholders of traditional family values and impart the same to their children, even when some of these values may reinforce sexist perceptions towards girls and women. These may include the subordination of wives and daughters to the husband, or the subservience of wives to the in-laws. Mothers are also often expected to instill in daughters a sense of compromise and the ability to ‘adjust’ to difficult circumstances, especially those which demand that they put their own welfare behind that of male members. This may be something as small as giving up the choicest share of the family meal to a brother or father, or as substantial as the giving up of property rights by sisters in a silent recognition of their brothers’ first right over inherited property. When mothers instill such values as instances of ‘ideal behaviour’ in their daughters, they nurture future generations of women and mothers who remain trapped in gender hierarchies.

In the case of rural women, motherhood often comes at the cost of extreme danger to the lives of both mothers and their offspring. Poverty and lack of adequate healthcare facilities result in unwanted pregnancies and high mortality rates for mothers and infants According to 2011 census data, sex ratio in India is 943 per 1000 males. The Maternal Mortality Rate is 167 according to 2011-2013 data. Additionally, taking care of young children is often a responsibility which is undertaken in competition with the urgent need to perform labour in fields, households, or factories. Rural women continue to face challenges and struggle for basic necessities in terms of nutrition, health and education for themselves and for their children. Due to a lack of educational and economic resources, they may lack access to contraceptive measures and consequently suffer from unwanted pregnancies at a risk to their health, or be unable to take decisions regarding the number of children they produce. Many rural women working in the agricultural sector perform labour both outside and inside the home; however, much of this work goes unrecognized due to gender biases. According to 2011 census, working hours of rural women (both Private and Public Sphere- Home and Agriculture Sector) is 25.6 and men is 51.7.

Rural migrant women in particular face extreme conditions in fulfilling maternal responsibilities. You may have noticed such women working at construction sites, often with babies and very young children left to take care of their own safety in dangerous conditions nearby. The option of providing security, nutrition and educational facilities to their children is something not available to many poor women both in urban and rural settings. Many migrant rural women are employed by middle-class and upper-class urban households as maids. Even when childcare and ‘mothering’ work is performed by maids, caste and class divides are almost always upheld. In terms of raising their own children, many rural and poor women are restricted by severe economic considerations. As you can see, mothering continues to remain embedded within the complex caste and class generated oppressions which define the lives of these women.

Even a brief look at urban and rural women from different classes and castes thus shows us that while women continue to shoulder domestic and economic burdens across classes, motherhood as an institution is determined by patriarchal forces beyond the control of the majority of women.

4. Discuss the feminist theories in marriage.

Ans – Various feminist researchers across the world brought forth that women take on the lion’s share of domestic and caring giving work which is not recognized as productive labour with any market value.

Women are socialized into acceptance of feminine domestic roles in marriage which makes them “good” and “respectable” wives. (friedan, 1963).

At the same time when they go for work outside home they are paid much less than men. There is continuity between women’s subordination within the “private” sphere of marriage and family and the “public” sphere of wage work. Further, research also show that even when women go out to work in similar positions as men, they are still burdened with house work performing “second shift” – one shift at office and another taking care of home and family by doing housework.

Based on the Studies feminists argue that they advocating of gender division of Family and Marriage labour in marriage harms the position of women as a whole, merely by constraining their options and ambitions. Confining them to domestic sphere and placing on them the exclusive burden of housework, gender division of labour limits women’s choices and life chances.

They become economically, socially and politically dependent on men hampering their self confidence, forcing them to tolerate discrimination and violence. Thus, gender division of labour directly and indirectly coerce women to accept subordination in marriage.

Amongst the different strands of feminism, Marxists feminists argue that monogamous marriage is a social institution that has nothing to do with love and everything to do with private property. Thus, marriage benefits the capitalist class and women’s subordination within marriage can be overcome only by overthrowing. It is the exploitative system of private property.

For radical feminists, marriage is a tool of patriarchy which through its heterosexual norms keeps women subordinated. Patriarchy is the first form of social exploitation. In this system of patriarchy, men as a group hold power over women. Power lies with men (Abbott et al. 2005).

To summarize, feminists see marriage not as an egalitarian harmonious institution but that which is fraught with contradictions. According to feminists, marriage is a hierarchical institution whereby women are given secondary status. Gender division of labour, capitalist economy, unpaid housework, unequal wage system in paid work, heterosexual norms, control over women’s sexuality, eulogizing of masculinity and femininity, violence, unequal property and other rights, along with discriminatory laws make marriage an unequal exploitative institution.

5. Describe the relationship between gender and language.

Ans – Research into the many possible relationships, intersections and tensions between language and gender is diverse. It crosses disciplinary boundaries, and, as a bare minimum, could be said to encompass work notionally housed within applied linguistics, linguistic anthropology, conversation analysis, cultural studies, feminist media studies, feminist psychology, gender studies, interactional sociolinguistics, linguistics, mediated stylistics, sociolinguistics and media studies.

In methodological terms, there is no single approach that could be said to ‘hold the field’. Discursive, poststructural, ethnomethodological, ethnographic, phenomenological, positivist and experimental approaches can all be seen in action during the study of language and gender, producing and reproducing what Susan Speer has described as ‘different, and often competing, theoretical and political assumptions about the way discourse, ideology and gender identity should be conceived and understood’. As a result, research in this area can perhaps most usefully be divided into two main areas of study: first, there is a broad and sustained interest in the varieties of speech associated with a particular gender; also a related interest in the social norms and conventions that (re)produce gendered language use (a variety of speech, or sociolect associated with a particular gender which is sometimes called a genderlect). Second, there are studies that focus on ways language can produce and maintain sexism and gender bias, and studies that focus on the contextually specific and locally situated ways in which gender is constructed and operationalized. In this sense, researchers try to understand how language affects the gender binary in society and how it helps to create and support the male-female division.

The study of gender and language in sociolinguistics and gender studies is often said to have begun with Robin Lakoff’s 1975 book, Language and Woman’s Place, as well as some earlier studies by Lakoff. The study of language and gender has developed greatly since the 1970s. Prominent scholars include Deborah Tannen, Penelope Eckert, Janet Holmes, Mary Bucholtz, Kira Hall, Deborah Cameron, Jane Sunderland and others. The 1995 edited volume Gender Articulated: Language and the Socially Constructed Self is often referred to as a central text on language and gender.

The early studies on the notion of language and gender are combined into the fields of linguistics, feminist theory, and political practice. The feminist movement of the 1970s and 1980s started to research on the relationship between language and gender. These researches were related to the women’s liberation movement, and their goal was to discover the linkage between language usage and gender asymmetries. Since, feminists have been working on the ways that language is maintaining the existing patriarchy and sexism. There are two significant questions in the studies of language and gender. One of them is about the presence of gender bias in languages, and the other one is about the differences between genders while using the language. These two questions, however, have divided the field into two separate areas.

One of the most outstanding sentiments in these studies is the concept of power. Researchers have been trying to understand the patterns of language to show how it can reflect the power imbalance in society. Some of them believe that men have social advantages which can be seen in the men’s usage of language. Also, some of them think that there are women’s disadvantages in society which are reflected in language.[8] Robin Lakoff, whose book “Language and Woman’s Place” is the first official research in this field, once argued that: “the marginality and powerlessness of women is reflected in both the ways men and women are expected to speak and the ways in which women are spoken of.” For example, some feminist language researchers have tried to find how the advantages of men had manifested in language. They argue how, in the past, philosophers, politicians, grammarians, linguists, and others were men who have had control over language, so they entered their sexist thoughts in it as a means to regulate their domination. Therefore, this field is looking for the ways a language can contribute to inequality and sexism in society.

Section – C

6. Write your understanding on gender and disability?

Ans – The plight of women with disabilities as earlier mentioned is far worse than that of men, as they suffer on account of being a woman in a male-dominated society, and disabled in a world which considers the healthy, able body as ‘ideal’. How a person with a disability experiences the condition and is perceived by others is Gender and Disability largely dependent on whether s/he is male or female. For instance, Michelle Fine and Adrienne Asch point out that women with disabilities experience ‘sexism without the pedestal’ (1988, p.1) ,i.e. they are doubly disadvantaged. Not only do they experience disability- linked discrimination but they experience sexism and are denied the consideration and social status that non-disabled women may claim as wives and mothers. Men with disabilities also experience a similar assault on their masculinity and may be shamed or bullied as ‘not being man enough’ or dependents and burdens upon the family. This can be very bruising and damaging to their self-respect, as traditionally, men are expected to be the providers and decision makers of the family.

As mentioned earlier, the 2011 Census estimates that there are over eleven million women with disabilities in India constituting about 4% of the population. Some researches estimate that there are over 35 million women with disabilities in India. (Bacquer and Sharma, 1997). Others put the figure at 20 million. 98% of the disabled are illiterate: less than 1% can avail healthcare and rehabilitation services (ActionAid, 2003, p. 15). But these statistics are only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to gauging the level of neglect, isolation, stigma and deprivation that characterise their lives. The majority of women with disabilities in India suffer the triple discrimination of being female, being disabled and being poor.

7. Describe any case studies on sexual harassment at workplace which you have read most recently.

Ans – Students answer this question youself

8. Define the public and private spheres from gendered perspectives.

Ans – The public sphere is an area in social life where individuals can come together to freely discuss and identify societal problems, and through that discussion influence political action. Such a discussion is called public debate and is defined as the expression of views on matters that are of concern to the public—often, but not always, with opposing or diverging views being expressed by participants in the discussion. Public debate takes place mostly through the mass media, but also at meetings or through social media, academic publications and government policy documents. The term was originally coined by German philosopher Jürgen Habermas who defined the public sphere as “made up of private people gathered together as a public and articulating the needs of society with the state”. Communication scholar Gerard A. Hauser defines it as “a discursive space in which individuals and groups associate to discuss matters of mutual interest and, where possible, to reach a common judgment about them”. The public sphere can be seen as “a theater in modern societies in which political participation is enacted through the medium of talk” and “a realm of social life in which public opinion can be formed”.

The private sphere is the complement or opposite to the public sphere. The private sphere is a certain sector of societal life in which an individual enjoys a degree of authority, unhampered by interventions from governmental or other institutions. Examples of the private sphere are family and home.

In public-sphere theory, on the bourgeois model, the private sphere is that domain of one’s life in which one works for oneself. In that domain, people work, exchange goods, and maintain their families; it is therefore, in that sense, separate from the rest of society.

9. Write in your own words about social construction of gender.

Ans – The theoretical perspective is that of the social construction of gender, which informs a feminist understanding of the systemic aspects of the position of women in society and also integrates empirical research to demonstrate this reality in women’s and men’s lives. The focus of this reader is social structural, in that gender is seen as one of the foundations of every existing social order. In this perspective, women and men are not automatically compared; rather, gender categories (female-male, feminine-masculine, girls-boys, women-men) are analyzed to see how different social groups define them, and how they construct and maintain them in everyday life and in major social institutions, such as the family and the economy.

The three chapters in the first section, Principles of Gender Construction, examine the main processes of gender construction—for men as well as women—and also analyze the ways gender and race intermesh in this construction.

In the second section, Gender Construction in Family Life, the three chapters look at men’s nineteenth-century family roles, how women bargain for power in different kinds of patriarchal families, and the structure of families and women’s position in varying racial ethnic groups.

The third section, Gender Construction in the Workplace, covers several themes. The first two chapters show how deeply gendered work organizations are. The third chapter compares women’s and men’s status in minority groups with more and fewer economic resources. The fourth chapter criticizes solutions to the generally low pay for women’s jobs and to the large numbers of women living in poverty within the United States.

The fourth section, Feminist Research Strategies, provides a brief introduction to some of the problems of feminist research and ways they have been solved.

The fifth section, Racial Ethnic Identity and Feminist Politics, teases out the threads of women’s social identity where ethnic group identity is a major factor. The three ethnic groups examined are Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Portuguese Americans.

The last section, Deconstructing Gender, examines three different strategies of change. One strategy is reorganization of work and family life for a small group without major societal or ideological challenge of gender roles; the second strategy is organized feminist resistance with an established institution, the Catholic Church; and the third strategy is restructuring the major institutions of society so they do not depend on the social construction of gender for the allocation of work and family responsibilities.

10. Discuss indicators of reproductive health.

Ans – The following are the indicators of reproductive health.

  • Quality of Care: Reproductive rights aim at ensuring universal access to reproductive health services. The approach of providing care to the clients became an integral part of the POA.
  • Gender Relations and Women’s Empowerment: It is one of the indicators of reproductive health and rights. Many countries took initiative to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women and efforts were made at the country level to create a space for gender equality.
  • Contraception and abortion: This is an important area of feminist enquiry within the domain of reproductive health and rights. In the year 2010, the development of pills completed its fiftieth years, hence many experts viewed that the contraceptive pills have impacted gender relations in significant way. For instance, the development of pills and better contraceptive methods has increased women’s reproductive choice to avoid unwanted pregnancies which in turn transforming the maternal health indicators. Unintended pregnancies may result into abortion that is illegal in many countries. In developing countries, abortion related complications amount to maternal deaths when abortions are carried out under illegal and unsafe conditions.
  • Maternal Health: Maternal health is a significant dimension of reproductive health. Maternal health risks often increase due to pregnancy, childbirth, poverty and social practices of early marriage and motherhood. Lips (2014) lists some of the pregnancy related complications as sever bleeding during and after childbirth, infections, hypertensions, heart disease, diabetic, abortion and so on. These complications combined with sever poverty increases the risks of maternal mortality in developing countries. In developed countries, the pregnancy related deaths are high among women who have less access to economic resources and modern medical care. In both develop and developing countries, maternal mortality is common among the women belonging to underprivileged groups.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published.